In case the story has fallen off everyone’s radar: Sayed Parwez Kambakhsh is a journalism student at Balk University in Mazar-i Sharif. He supposedly copied text from an Iranian website criticizing Islam’s stance on the treatment of women, and added his own thoughts on the matter—much like a blogger would. For this, the Afghan intelligence services investigated him (as if they have nothing else to investigate), and after his arrest a court in Balkh province convicted him of heresy and sentenced him to death.
At his most recent appeals hearing, according to Jean MacKenzie at IWPR, Kambakhsh was berated by his own judge:
Presiding judge Abdul Salam Qazizada has weathered several Afghan administrations. He is a holdover from the Taleban regime, and his antagonism to the defendant was visible…
During the session, Qazizada appeared to take on the role of prosecutor rather than impartial judge, engaging in a legal duel with defence attorney Mohammad Afzal Nooristani. Lacking a gavel, he repeatedly banged his pen against his microphone in an effort to halt Nooristani’s defence of his client.
Time and again the judge attacked Kambakhsh, who sat pale but composed in the defendant’s chair.
“Just tell me why you did these things,” insisted Qazizada. “What were your motives?”
“I cannot give you reasons, since I did not do anything,” responded Kambakhsh.
Kambakhsh is alleged to have been beaten since his initial imprisonment last December, however given the length of time it took for an examination to be scheduled, most of the physical markings have healed over. Though he plead guilty, he claims to have done so under duress.
Kambakhsh also stands accused of numerous character flaws, such as asking too many questions in class, seeking attention and popularity, being impolite, and swapping dirty jokes over his cellphone.
Despite the obvious injustice of the case—while heresy is punishable by death in Afghanistan’s constitution, it is unclear how highlighting the abuse of women qualifies—international attention to his plight has been scant. A story on his case has not made the international media in months (despite worrying indications this is a revenge case for his brother’s work with IWPR), and despite high-profile pressure on Hamid Karzai to intervene—Abdul Rahman, a convert to Christianity, escaped execution only after extreme international pressure convinced the government to declare him legally insane and have him deported—nothing has yet happened.
But there is a darker issue at play. This Taliban-holdover judge, who was interrupting Kambakhsh during his defense and angrily accusing him of committing the crime he was being tried for, is in Kabul—not up in Balkh, where perhaps some could have written off the verdict as the relic of a hyper-conservative rural area. Kambakhsh’s defense lawyers hadn’t examined his case file even a week before his first appeals hearing, and the Upper House of Parliament has voiced its support for his execution, along with conservative clerics and some tribal elders.
With this much of Afghanistan’s society arrayed against him, what hope does Kambakhsh really have? Karzai is politically very weak—will he be able to risk enough political capital to free him? Can any organization, save perhaps the U.S. military, exert enough pressure to protect a journalist from basically doing his job? We can certainly hope so. But hope seems in short supply here.
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This reminds me of the recent case in Saudi Arabia where a rape victim was sentenced to lashes, and the international outcry was so great that the King pardoned her. As in, she was still guilty, but he forgave her for being raped. It’s certainly more complicated than that, but the cases seem similar. Just as we in the West get angry when Muslim fundamentalists punish us for not living according to their morals and standards, so do we get upset when they do the same. The question is, who is going to win in the long run?
Journalism is a respected, if not loved or trusted, occupation in the West. It’s hardly comparable with journalism as it exists among the Afghan population.
I agree with everything except the comment about “…in Balkh, where perhaps some could have written off the verdict as the relic of a hyper-conservative rural area.”
The rural areas of Balkh are not known for being hyper-conservative. I don’t think people in rural areas of the north would be this nuts. They are very pragmatic and would not waste their time on something as irrelevant to their lives as this.
Christian,
I actually agree — Dostum’s realm was never known for a murderous conservatism. But that’s why I front-loaded that statement with all the weasel-wording. It’s not right, but some could at least try to write it off that way.
“where perhaps some”
You’re right, you did front load that sentence. As an occasional practitioner of Edward Said style weasel-wording myself I salute your skillful use of an ambiguous quasi-disowning qualifier.
Well, a gurl’s gotta be good at something.
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